A tale of four killers – The continued incarceration of Clive Derby-Lewis

Andrew Kenny

07 July 2014

Andrew Kenny explores SA’s hypocrisy over the continued incarceration of Clive Derby-Lewis


Why is Clive Derby-Lewis still in prison for the murder of Chris Hani in 1993 when worse political killers of that era are walking free? I am not referring to legal niceties or political deals or conditions of the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission). I am referring to fundamental justice and morality.

Let me list the four killers.

1. In June 1986, Robert McBride planted a bomb at Magoo’s restaurant in Durban. It killed 3 innocent women and injured 69 people. He was a member of MK (Umkhonto we Sizwe), the armed wing of the ANC. He planted the bomb a month after – let me emphasise after – the National Party Government had published a white paper to abolish the Pass Laws, the most hated of all the apartheid laws, the cause of the Women’s March on the Union Buildings in 1956 and the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 (see amnesty ruling here.)

2. In November 1988. Barend Strydom, the leader of the “Wit Wolwe”, shot dead 7 innocent, unknown, unarmed people and injured 15 more in Strijdom Square in Pretoria. He chose his victims entirely on race. He shot black people because they were black.

3. In April 1993. Derby-Lewis conspired with Janusz Walus, who did the killing using Derby-Lewis’s gun, to murder Chris Hani, head of the South African Communist Party.

4. By his own account Letlapa Mphahlele, Director of Operations of the PAC’s armed wing, APLA, ordered four men armed with guns and grenades to attack the St James Church in Cape Town in July 1993 where innocent men and women of various races were at prayer. 11 were killed and another 57 were wounded, including a Russian visitor who lost both legs and an arm. He also ordered the armed raid on another multi-racial crowd at the Heidelberg Tavern, in which 4 innocent people were killed on 31 December, 1993.

Today, Strydom, McBride and Mphahlele are free but Derby-Lewis is in prison. Strydom and McBride were imprisoned but released in 1992. Both received amnesty from the TRC. Derby-Lewis was refused amnesty. Mphahlele initially applied for amnesty, but then withdrew his application.

Derby-Lewis, who has been in prison for over 20 years, is now 78 and suffering with terminal cancer. He has been refused parole on several occasions. His lawyer is now applying for parole again, on medical grounds.

Why is it that so many politicians and commentators are so angrily opposed to parole for Derby-Lewis when they speak not a word of protest against the freedom of the other three killers, all of whom are worse than Derby-Lewis on almost every count?

One of the reasons sometimes given for this is that the murder of Hani threatened a “racial civil war”. But what of the other murders? In fact, of the four, the murder of Hani seems the least racially motivated. Walus said he killed Hani because he was a Communist not because he was black. This sounds completely believable. Walus, who had grown up in Communist Poland, hated communism. He could have argued that communism, on every single occasion it has been practised has proved worse than apartheid – ordinary people in every single communist country have fled it and tried to flee it; ordinary black people did not flee apartheid South Africa or try to do so. Walus’s “hit-list” included Joe Slovo, white and communist. (Gaye Derby-Lewis, who drew up the list, denied it was a murder list.)

The motive of Barend Strydom, on the other hand, was 100% racist. He chose his victims purely and entirely because they were black and not for any political consideration. More than any of the others, he was blatantly trying to stir up racial hatred and foment racial war.

Another odd reason given is that we must consider the feelings of Limpho Hani, the widow of the murdered man. While we must obviously sympathise with her, I don’t think the feelings of the murder victim’s loved ones should ever play a part in judicial decisions about the murderer. (If so, a murderer lucky enough to have a victim with forgiving relatives would get off, while another with vengeful relatives would not.) But what about the feelings of the relatives of 25 people killed by the other three? Were the loved ones of the 7 people slaughtered by Strydom consulted before he was released?

Among the requirements for amnesty under the TRC was that you had to show you had acted as part of a political organisation and that you had made full disclosure of your actions. A feeble reason for refusing amnesty for Derby-Lewis and Walus was that they had not acted on the instructions of the Conservative Party to which Derby-Lewis belonged. They certainly hadn’t. But they themselves formed a political faction, and the murder of Hani, a leading political figure, was the most clearly political killing of the four. The other three killed innocent people with no known political affiliations.

The most usual reason given for refusing amnesty or parole for Derby-Lewis and Walus is that they hadn’t made full disclosure. They hadn’t revealed the full extent of the conspiracy and named all the conspirators behind the murder. How do we know that they hadn’t? And how do we know that the other killers had? Such doubts lead to a black hole of conspiracies, some interesting, most silly, about the murders. Let me discuss some of them.

Let me first say that all my instincts are against conspiracy theories. If I have to guess between conspiracy and cock-up, I’ll always choose the latter. One hundred years ago, the world was plunged into catastrophe by the killing of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. We now know that it was an impromptu act by a few young desperadoes acting alone. But suspicion that they were part of a wider conspiracy led to a war that cost 35 million lives. I believe that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone when he killed President Kennedy. From 80 metres, with a rifle with telescope sights, I could easily have shot him myself and, unlike Oswald, I am not a trained marksman. So I believe that Walus and Derby-Lewis acted alone and the others within very small groups. But here goes with the conspiracies.

The conspiracist’s first question is always: “Who benefits?” In the case of McBride, the beneficiaries were the white reactionaries opposed to the reform and ending of apartheid. The Magoo’s bombing was a godsend for every racist wanting to maintain white minority rule.

Similarly the only possible potential beneficiaries of Mphahlele’s massacres would have been white reactionaries trying the derail the negotiations for majority rule. They were behind the bomb in Johannesburg on 25 April 1994, killing 9 people.

In the case of Hani’s murder, the conspiracists have a wider field. Some vaguely suggest that Derby-Lewis and Walus were part of a “right-wing” plot. (In this instance “right-wing” means white racist and nationalist.) But far more suggest exactly the opposite, that Hani was murdered by a plot from within the ANC alliance. Here the conspiracies follow the puzzle of the open door on the lion cage.

An important politician walks past a lion cage. A lion leaps through the open door of the cage and kills the politician. Nobody disputes that the lion killed him. The question is why the cage door happened to be open at the precise moment he walked past. Accident? Or planned? If so, by whom?

Nobody disputes that Walus killed Hani with Derby-Lewis’s gun. The question is why Hani was so unprotected at the time. Where were the bodyguards who usually attended him? The murder was extraordinarily amateurish and clumsy, leading to Walus’s quick and easy arrest. So was Walus like the lion, an innocent killer given the opportunity to satisfy his natural murderous instincts by plotters he didn’t know?

On “Who benefits?” two obvious names are Joe Modise and Thabo Mbeki. Hani was a competitor to Mbeki in 1993 for the eventual leadership of the coming democratic South Africa. But a far more likely suspect is Modise. He was MK Commander at the time, and in 1994 became Minister of Defence in 1994. By all accounts he was thoroughly corrupt and brutal. He had a gangster background that included drug running, was responsible for much of the torture in the MK camps such as Quatro, and was widely suspected of being an apartheid spy.

Chris Hani, by contrast, seems to have been clean and honourable, and was well aware of Modise’s cruelty and corruption. He had already written a memorandum to the ANC detailing Modise’s crimes. He was a huge threat to Modise and might have been about to make further damaging revelations about him. And so, the conspiracy goes, Modise, through various shadowy networks on both the ANC side and the apartheid side, arranged for the door on the lion cage to be open when Hani walked past.

In his history of South Africa’s transition, “South Africa’s Brave New World”, R W Johnson goes into some length to support the case that:

“Clearly, Modise was a prime suspect for having facilitated the assassination. He had every motive to want Hani dead – and had, indeed, tried to kill him before.”

Further support for this comes from the fact that the “right-wingers” would not have known about Hani’s security arrangements whereas the ANC/SACP would.

I am not convinced. To advance “Who benefits?’ to the logical absurdity, the biggest beneficiary of the Hani murder was Nelson Mandela. After the shock of the assassination, he rose to take command of the anxious, excited nation by appealing for calm. At that moment the mantle of power seemed to pass from the shoulders of F W de Klerk to his. Was Mandela behind the assassination of Hani? Oh, please!

Even if the lion cage theory is true, it is clear that Walus and Derby-Lewis were nothing but unknowing carnivores. They have told as much about the killing as the lion could have told.

So all the reasons for refusal to give Derby-Lewis parole fall away. Compared with the other three killers who are free, his crime was no more likely to provoke a racial civil war than theirs. Nor was he less part of a political organisation or faction, and his killing was the only specifically political killing, the only one to identify a purely political target. Nor is there good evidence to suggest he failed to give he failed to give full disclosure.

A final thought before my conclusion: the timing of these murders. McBride planted his bomb in 1986 when it was perfectly obvious that apartheid was in full retreat and when indeed the worst of all the apartheid laws had been repealed. This gives support to the theory that the ANC’s “People’s War” was not to end apartheid but to stop anybody else ending it.

My guess is that McBride, very much like the others, formed a sort of small, personal, maverick gang vaguely associated with a political intention, in his case to promote the People’s War, which meant murder and mayhem against ill-defined targets. McBride not only won freedom but high office in the new government. He was by no means the only such one guilty of atrocities in the People’s War to do so.

Strydom killed his innocent black victims in 1988, perhaps sensing the fear and uncertainty that many whites felt over the ending of apartheid, hoping somehow to convert alarm into war. But I think this is crediting him with too much intelligence. I cannot help thinking he was simply a mentally retarded white racist. The fact that he thought he could kill innocent black people with impunity (which happened to be true) reveals a primitive, bloody, childlike racism, which unfortunately characterises clashes between races down the ages.

The other two murders happened after F W de Klerk’s famous speech in Feb 1990, which effectively ended apartheid and white minority rule. Thereafter, the cause had been won. Black majority rule was assured, and it was just a matter of negotiating its terms. The murder of Chris Hani in 1993 was a sort of rear guard action by two white reactionary nutters.

The worst of all were the slaughters in St James Church and the Heidelberg Tavern in 1993. They are probably the most cowardly atrocities in South African history. They happened after the apartheid leaders had ceded power. The Heidelberg Tavern massacre occurred after the date for South Africa’s first fully democratic election had been announced as 27 April 1994. Letlapa Mphahlele, snubbed the TRC and refused to apply for amnesty. He was charged in 2002 but the case was eventually struck off the roll after the National Prosecuting Authority failed to pursue the matter.

He is on public record as stating that as Apla’s Director of Operations “I ordered the killings of white civilians.” He told one television programme that he “gave the orders for attacks on different civilian targets among them Heidelberg Tavern, St. James Church, Queenstown Steak Restaurant and King William’s Town Golf Club.” His proudest moment “was when I saw whites being killed on the battlefield” (The battlefield, one assumes, was a church of people at prayer.) The TRC, well conceived but badly executed, proved to be a work of hypocrisy. I suppose we might credit Mphahlele for exposing the hypocrisy to the full.

In conclusion, why are Strydom, McBride and Mphahlele free while Derby-Lewis is in prison? We all know why. The victims of the first three were ordinary people, humble unknown South Africans, black and white. Hani was very important, a political leader, very influential, part of a new ruling class. He mattered. The other poor sods didn’t matter. The people who are deciding on the parole for Derby-Lewis are all part of the ruling elite to which Hani belonged.

Let me sum it up: if in a political cause you murder an ordinary person it doesn’t matter very much; if you murder an important person it matters a lot.

This is the entire case in terms of morality and justice for refusing parole to Derby-Lewis.

It stinks.



Die dromme slaan, die nag is onheilspelend, gaan die kruit droog genoeg wees….? dit is mistig en koud, die aand 15 Desember 1838

Die Gelofte word die laaste keer weer afgele.

Mijne broeders en medegenoten,

Hier staan wij tans op een ogenblik voor een heilige God van hemel en aarde om een belofte aan Hem te beloven, als Hij Zijn bescherming met ons zal wezen, en ons vijand in onze handen sal geven, dat wij hem oorwinnen, dat wij die dag
en datum elke jaar als een verjaardag en een dankdag zoals een Sabbat in Zijn eer sal doorbrengen en dat wij een tempel tot Zijn eer stichten sal, waar het Hem sou behagen en dat wij het ook aan onze kinderen zal zeggen, dat zij met ons er in moeten delen, tot gedachtenis ook
voor onze opkomende geslachten, want de eer van Zijn Naam zal daardoor verheerlikt worden, dat de roem en eer van overwinning aan Hem sal worden gegeven. Amen.

Die aand word afgesluit met die sing van Psalm 134

Spookagtig staan die laer afge-ets en die spookagtige gesing van die Boere maak die Zoeloes meer op hulle senuwees. Die ou krygers wou niks met die gedoente te doen gehad het nie maar die jonges wil hulle lemme in Boere bloed doop.

16 Desember breek aan. Tussen 15 000 en 25 000 Zoeloes sit op hulle skilde… Hulle bloeddorstige geskree en slaan van oorlogsdromme is angswekkend….468 manne staan gebukkend binne die laer.

Elkeen het 2 of 3 Sannas (voorlaaiers).

Die Zoeloe weermag wat nog NOOIT verslaan is nie, is selfvoldaan en weet hulle dat hul hierdie Godvresense laer gaan oorrompel binne minute.

Die swart en rooi skilde onder Dambuze (vreeslose leier van Dingaan) val eerste aan. Dit is die jong bloeddorstiges met hulle kort steek assegaaie. Hulle vorder tot op 40 tree vanaf die laer waarop Hoof Kommendant Andries Pretorius die eerste skoot skiet.

Lekker in die Army

Liewe Ma en Pa,

Dit gaan goed met my en met julle?

Sê vir boetie Wouter en boetie Koos dat om in die Army te wees baie
lekkerder is as om vir Oom Piet te werk. Hulle moet sommer gou kom
aansluit voordat al die plekke gevul word.

Ek was eers baie ongemaklik omdat mens in die bed moet bly tot amper
06:00, maar nou geniet ek dit om so laat te kan slaap. Sê vir Wouter
en Koos al wat mens voor ontbyt moet doen, is om jou bed netjies en
glad te maak en goed blink te vryf. Nikse gevarke voer, koeie melk,
mampoer meng of braaihout kappery nie. Jy doen amper niks! Manne moet
nog skeer, maar dis nie so erg nie, want daars warm water.

Brekfis is sterk op vrugtesap, pap, eiers en bacon, maar minder sterk
op steaks, boerewors, tjops, aartappels en goed soos vetkoek. Maar sê
vir hulle jy kan altyd tussen twee dorpsjapies wat net van koffie
leef, gaan sit. Hulle kos plus joune hou mens darem vol tot twaalfuur
toe wanneer jy weer gevoer word.

Hierdie dorpsjapies kan nie juis ver stap nie. Ons gaan op roetemarse,
wat ons sal taai maak, sê die Sersant. As hy so dink is dit mos nie my
plek om hom reg te help nie. ‘n Roetemars is omtrent so vêr soos tot
by ons posbus by die huis. Dan kry die dorpsjapies seer voete en ons
almal ry dan terug in lorries. Die veld is mooi, maar baie plat.

Julle gaan julle morsdood lag as julle hiervan hoor. Ek bly medaljes
kry vir skiet. Ek weet nie hoekom nie. Die bulls-eye is net so groot
soos ‘n dassie se kop en beweeg glad nie eers nie. En dit skiet nie
eers terug soos daai bliks% #‎se Venters van die buurplaas nie. Al wat
jy moet doen is om doodstil te lê en dit raak te skiet. Jy hoef nie
eers jou eie ammunisie te maak nie, dit kom in bokse.

Dan is daar wat hulle noem “hand-to-hand combat training”. Jy stoei
met die dorpsjapies van die stad af. Ek moet versigtig wees, want
hulle kry maklik seer. Dis nie soos om met ons ou bul, Swart Duiwel,
by die huis te stoei nie.

Ek is omtrent die beste wat hulle in hierdie peleton het, behalwe vir
Groot Jan Jordaan van die Bosveld. Hy het saam met my aangesluit. Maar
ek is omtrent 5 voet 6 en weeg 70kg en hy is 6 voet 8 en weeg maklik
150kg, droë gewig.

Sê tog my boeties moet gou maak en aansluit voordat ander ouens
uitvind van die ongelooflike Army setup en aangestorm kom!

Julle liefdevolle dogter,



Two days ago I have been reading about the murder on the South African Bafana captain Senzo Meyiwa– who was shot by vigilantes in an attempted robbery and a scuffle around his cellphone while visiting his girlfriend at Vosloorus black township. What the so-called “ robbers”( as NASPERS always describe black thugs)– robbed- was only cellphones and a few loose articles.

After I read this specific article- my idiot box went a bit wandering- and I had a discussion with myself. After a lengthy discussion- “we “came to the conclusion that this man was not shot because the NASPERS “robbers” were out to “rob” this chap- but this sounded much like a specific“hit” for the one-or-other reason…maybe politically- maybe financial- maybe corporate driven…I dunno. Think of it soberly- why would a band of three – well- “robbers” went into this specific home to “rob” and kill for  a CELLPHONE? Even Meyiwa’s team mate Tsepo Masilela, tweeted: “How do you kill someone for a cellphone?” The other very interesting question is this: MOST blacks in South Africa are soccer FANATICS– and they know each South African soccer player by name. They eat, drink and sleep soccer- these black South Africans. Thus- those threeNASPERS “robbers” that went into that house SURELY must have RECOGNIZE the “man of men”– the CAPTAIN of the NATIONAL soccer team as well as goal keeper of one of the most well-known soccer teams in the soccer league- Orlando Pirates. I mean- they saw this chap on TV, on computer, on Laptop, on Tablet, in advertisements, billboards…name it- in the black corporate sport world he was well exposed for all to see.  If you open any South African soccer journal- you are SURE to see his face. Thus- when this three NASPERS “robbers” stood in front of him- eyed him FACE TO FACE- it is hard to believe they did NOT know who he was. Most probably he also TOLD them  he was “the man“- yet- yet they whacked him for a CELLPHONE???? This sounds a bit ridiculous- even for a layman like me. Something tells me this boytjie was targeted and “greased ” by someone that wanted him wasted- but then again- I might be wrong…it is just a bit of hindsight and I only want to like they say- “put it out there.”

Now- that being said- it brings me to the second issue I also picked up as I rummage through the zillions of reports we receive on a daily basis. As I was scrutinizing all the news items-  my eye were caught by yet another senseless murder- the one of a white farmer- one Johan van Rensburg– who was shot and killed by yet another bunch of NASPERS “robbers“- iow black thugs that rather belonged on the end of a rope than among people in the street- but whose identity and race are vehemently “protected” by NASPERS to act “ politically correct” and NOT reveal the truth that the majority crimes in this old stink bucket of a country are committed by BLACKS….that would be ” racist.”

Right- to continue-This black ( Oops- there I went and indicate the race again)-vermin went into the farmhouse at Leeudoringstad in North West Province South Africa-  tied up two black workers, a man and a woman on the farm Droekraal in the area on Saturday afternoon. When the white farm owner – Johan van Rensburg– arrived a few minutes later – he was shot dead in cold blood. After this hideous action- they forced one of Van Rensburgs workers- one Jim Ndumiso – to clean up the blood of the innocent victim they just have murdered. The  thugs  then allegedly put him in the boot of his car and fled the scene also with…..yes you guessed it…. CELLPHONES! Again…are cellphones used as a cover for other more hideous hidden agendas?  I tend to think so. Again the question arise:   “How do you kill someone for a cellphone?”  This is a question we whites have been asking for years as many white farmers were brutally murdered just for “cellphones.”  Cellphones seems to be the cover for something much more clandestine- like an orchestrated government or corporate killing. OK- so an alert button was triggered by the workers- which set most of the neighbors racing down- and searching the NASPERS “robbers”– which led to two of them getting their just sentence as two of the thugs were killed themselves by the neighboring farmers after the thugs tried to point firearms at the farmers – and a third maggot got arrested for the murder and robbery.

Football - Absa Premiership 2012/13 - Chippa United v Orlando Pirates - Athlone Stadium




So- now we have two similar cases here- both unnecessary needless murders, both “ robberies”– both by black NASPERS “robbers“- both cases the main theme was CELLLPHONES– both cases involved THREE black maggots- and both cases the NASPERS “robbers” executed the male victims in front of their families. The white victim was shot  on Saturday- the black victim on Sunday of the same (last) week. So- as I see it- there is many similarities between this two cases. The only noticeable differences is one victim was white- and one black. The other obvious difference is one was a soccer star- and one a local community star….but that is about where the differences stops. With  relevance to the crime itself- there is not much difference bar one took place in a black township- and one on a rural farm.  It is about at this point where thewhole scenario  between the two similar crimes takes a crude racist and blatant nepotistic hippocratic turn.

According to news reports- the killing of Senzo Mayiwa hit headlines across the world- with ANC politicians falling over their feet to send condolences to the Mayiwa family- which from a layman’s point-of-view- appears to be a noble gesture ( If you can believe ANYTHING a politician- especially the ANC- means when they say something I must add.) Condolences poured in from all political parties, media outlets- and public admirers- and most news outlets carried the headlines. Some of the condolences are:

Proteas cricketer Wayne Parnell said: “Saddened to wake up here in New Zealand and hear such horrific news about the passing of Senzo Meyiwa”

Irvin Khoza: “This is a sad loss to Senzo’s family especially his children, to Orlando Pirates & the nation.”

Corne Krige, South Africa’s ex-rugby captain, also took to Twitter to express his shock: “As a nation we must start standing up against violent crime. Prayers go out to family.”

A police spokesman told AFP, with club officials describing his slaying as a “loss to the nation”. A reward of up to R150,000 is being offered for any information that can lead to arrests of the NASPERS “robbers” that killed Mayiwa. Even the South African Police commissioner- Riah Phiyega– launched a press release- saying that  a special task team has been set up to investigate the murder of Senzo Meyiwa. The police, who are frequently criticised for their handling of investigations, have been eager to show that they have a firm handle on the situation. The question is- why does the police not have a “firm handle” on the farm murders- but many times do not even come out to investigate, bungle up investigations, tamper with evidence- and sometimes  “loose” court dockets- but this case they go ” all the way?” There is a perception that those with money or celebrity are treated differently by authorities, which critics say was the case in the trial of South African Olympic athleteOscar Pistorius. ” It takes a famous person before Riah Phiyega sets up special tasks team to investigate murders?” – one tweeter Tshepang Sebulela hit  the nail  on the head.

Appearantly his death has shaken even those in the highest office. “We mourn the death of this young footballer and team leader whose life has been taken away at the prime of his career,” President Jacob Zuma said. “The law enforcement authorities must leave no stone unturned in finding his killers and bring them to justice,” his statement said. “As a nation, we must take a stand against violent crime because it affects us all. The death of Meyiwa unfortunately highlights how communities live in fear for their lives,” South Africa’s Times newspaper quotes IFP MPPetros Sithole as saying . So- Mayiwa’s murder immediately hit the world media headlines with much political and public pomp and interest- and rightly so. After all- the man was a sport “celeb”– and in South Africa( as most of the world)– sport,- especially soccer- is BIG. We accept the fact that if a “celeb” is murdered- there will be some barrage of media and political attention on the highest levels….it is human nature- and also have some capitalist financial ripples afterwards- bar the fact that the star was a sportsman representing his team and country.


Now- after the Mayiwa media barrage- let us turn to the OTHER murder as described above- the murder of the white farmer….Johan van Rensburg( The WHAT farmer?????) Yea…..you read correct….the “what” farmer. Van Rensburg- although he also was murdered under thesame circumstances, the same week, the same way- by the same race NASPERS “robbers“…..his death did not even hit the back-page of most newspapers…least hitting the HEADLINES! There was just no space left as Mayiwa’s death was splattered all over the pages. Who WASVan Rensburg in any case.…just another white farmer that was murdered like so many others on a weekly basis. So…what is the big issue-killing white farmers in any case is a national sport among black (Oops) communist vigilantes- and also an approved operation that carries the authorization and approval from ilks like Zuma, Malema and many other ANC, PAC,EFF, SACP, ANCYL, SACPYL, Black Panther, AZAPO and hundreds of “black only” organizations…so- what s the big issue?  Whites are deemed ” fair game” by the communist despots anyhow. The“majority” want to exterminate the white colonials in any case- why should any rucus be made about it- it is just ” normal crime” in any case.Further-more- Killing white farmers is “constitutionally “ allowable  and acceptable as long as the majority can gain from it- and also if it could resolve Nkwinti’s  ”  whites stole our land” restitution and distribution  issue faster. Any case- In South Africa a white farmer has four times the chance of getting murdered than the average citizen and twice as many chances to get murdered as does a police officer.

The best the mainstream newspaper fraternity could do- was a report in Beeld and one in Maroela Media. It was mainly the social networksand alternative pro-white networks that carried most news of his dreadful ordeal….like most of the white murders in South Africa.  As for the rest of the national and international media – the ANC regime, our vile politicians, the “celebs”, the “who-is-who” fraternity and general public ….Van Rensburg was just another number that was added to the ever escalating crime statistics and white genocide that already surpassed70 000 victims  that will also eventually be doctored by shrewd police operators  to reflect as “ normal crime.” There were no politician that said anything after 4000 farmers and their families were brutally murdered- no IFP Petrus Sithole that said that the nation must “stand against violent crime ” as 4000 farm murders highlight how white farming communities live in fear. They will on the contrary- INSTIGATE farm murders by chanting “ Kill the Farmer- kill the Boer.” Only when one of “ theirs” are affected- they pay attention. Why does it take a black man – and not a white man- to be murdered to wake the communist “aristo” ANC fat cats up?  What is one life more important than the other? The reason…it’s all about politics and hipocracy. The bottom-line is thus: Our WORST enemies are not the soldier in another country, nor the Ebola or even natural disasters….- but factually our OWN  evil communist ” democratic” governments and  psychopathic politicians who wage a very deranged media psi-ops war against us to keep us divided.

To conclude- this is as far as “ the WHAT ?” farmer’s murder will go...no headlines, no condolences from politicians, no Corne Krige that sent condolences, no mentioning of the lost of a food producing star, no rewards of R 150 000, no special investigations….no Jacob Zuma that mourns his death or police that must leave no stone ‘ unturned” …..no nothing! His  murder will go down as yet another white media pauper- no recognition…no “special investigation” by a ” special investigation unit”…no nothing. He was just a white farmer- not even worthy to share the  same space in a newspaper front page along the news of celebs the likes of Meyiwa. This is how deep South Africa- and the world in general- has sunk into the deep abyss of communist hypocrisy and  liberal moral degradation. It has nothing to do with “racism”– it is not about Mayiwa or Van Rensburg-it is not about skin color,  it is not about classes...it is all about POLITICAL  and MEDIA hypocrisy!  The one murder get high profile attention…the other dies a pauper’s death. THAT is political  and media hypocrisy. The ANC communist regime and the South African media WANT to keep race division- they PROMOTE race segregation-they FLOURISH on racism- it keeps them in power and control. If there is no race distinction or division – they will eventually loose control, falter- and die.  As for Van Rensburg and many other innocent white victims and farmers that were brutally murdered and tortured in the name of “democracy’– well- their names will just stay numbers as long as we- the general conservative white public and so-called “Boer Organizations“- want to keep them just that through or own lack of patriotism…. unknown entities that died  media pauper’s deaths.

Source : http://www.whitenationnetwork.com/paper/?p=34340

Mandela was the terrorist leader of a violent terrorist organisation, the ANC (African National Congress)

The Plain Truth

In rememberance of Mandela’s death one year later, people still see him as a saint, which he was not. Mandela was the terrorist leader of a violent terrorist organisation, the ANC (African National Congress)

It is often said that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter, however, this usually means that the other man has been less than fastidious in his choice of hero, or that the “freedom fighter” in question was on the crowd pleasing side.

On the 27th of June, London’s Hyde Park played host to a concert in honour of Nelson Mandela’s 90th birthday and as expected it received wall to wall coverage from a star struck and worshipping media, who continue to laud Mandela as one of the greatest, or indeed the greatest, heroes of our time.

The beaming old man appeared on stage in one of his trademark multi-coloured shirts and cheerily acknowledge the cheers of the adoring crowd, most of whom have been taught to believe in his sainthood since their first days in primary school, which, for many of them, will have occurred around the same time their hero walked free from Robben Island.

The unquestioning belief in Mandela’s universally admired saintliness was again on display in the gushing media coverage and by the unending line of politicians and dignitaries from presidents to Prime ministers who queued up to genuflect before him and sing his praises. It is a brave politician or journalist who would dare to question the godliness of this legend and consummate showman, and hence no such questions were raised, nor were his much vaunted “achievements” subjected to any objective scrutiny.

No matter how many speeches are given or how many news articles are written, it will be a long time if ever before the truth about Mandela is told.

In fact the truth about Mandela is so hidden in mythology and misinformation that most know nothing about him prior to Robben island, and those who do tend to exercise a form of self censorship, designed to bolster the myth whilst consigning uncomfortable facts into the mists of history.

For most people all they know about Mandela, prior to his release in 1990, was that he had spent 27 years in prison and was considered by many on the left at the time (and almost everyone now) to be a political prisoner. However, Mandela was no Aung San Suu Kyi, he was not an innocent, democratically elected leader, imprisoned by an authoritarian government.

Mandela was the terrorist leader of a violent terrorist organisation, the ANC (African National Congress) which was responsible for many thousands of, mostly black, deaths. The ANC’s blood spattered history is frequently ignored, but reminders occasionally pop up in the most embarrassing places, indeed as recently as this month the names of Nelson Mandela and most of the ANC remained on the US government’s terrorist watch list along with al-Queda, Hezbollah and the Tamil Tigers. Of course the forces of political correctness are rushing to amend that embarrassing reminder from the past. However, Mandela’s name was not on that list by mistake, he was there because of his Murderous past.

Before I am accused of calumny, it should be noted that Mandela does not seek to hide his past, in his autobiography “the long walk to Freedom” he casually admits “signing off” the 1983 Church Street bombing carried out by the ANC and killing 19 innocent people whilst injuring another 200.

It is true that Mandela approved that massacre and other ANC killings from his prison cell, and there is no evidence that he personally killed anyone but the same could be said about Stalin or Hitler, and the violent history of the ANC, the organisation he led is not in question.

According to the Human Rights Commission it is estimated that during the Apartheid period some 21,000 people were killed, however both the UN Crimes against Humanity commission and South Africa’s own Truth and Reconciliation Commission are in agreement that in those 43 years the South African Security forces killed a total of 518 people. The rest, (some 92%) were accounted for by Africans killing Africans, many by means of the notorious and gruesome practice of necklacing whereby a car tyre full of petrol is placed around a victim’s neck and set alight. This particularly cruel form of execution was frequently carried out at the behest of the ANC with the enthusiastic support of Mandela’s demonic wife Winnie.

The brutal reappearance of the deadly necklace in recent weeks is something I shall reluctantly focus upon later.

Given that so much blood was on the hands of his party, and, as such, the newly appointed government, some may conclude that those who praised Madela’s mercy and forgiveness, when the Truth and Reconciliation tribunal set up after he came to power, to look into the Apartheid years, did not include a provision for sanctions, were being deliberately naive.

Such nativity is not uncommon when it comes to the adoring reporting of Nelson Madela, and neither is the great leader himself rarely shy of playing up his image of fatherly elder statesman and multi-purpose paragon. However, in truth, the ANC’s conscious decision to reject a policy of non-violence, such as that chosen by Gandhi, in their struggle against the white government, had left them, and by extension, their leader, with at least as much blood on their hands as their one time oppressors, and this fact alone prevented them from enacting the revenge which might otherwise have been the case.

As the first post Apartheid president of South Africa it would, be unfair if not ludicrous to judge Mandela entirely on the basis of events before he came to power, and in any event there is many a respected world leader or influential statesman with a blood stained past so let us now examine Nelson Mandela’s achievements, and the events which have occurred in South Africa in the 14 short years since he took power in following the post Apartheid election in 1994, and the new South Africa which he created after coming to power on a surge of worldwide optimism and hope in 1994, when, following the end of Apartheid, he and his followers promised a new dawn for what became termed the Rainbow Nation.

Today South Africa stands out as one of the most dangerous and crime ridden nations on Earth which is not actively at War. In 2001, only seven years after the end of Apartheid, whilst the city of Amsterdam in the Netherlands with 5,6 murders per 100,000 population was declared the “murder capitol of Europe”, Johannesburg, with 61.2 murders per 100,00 population and remains the world’s top murder city.

In South Africa as a whole, the murder rate is seven times that of America, in terms of rape the rate is ten times as high and includes the ugly phenomenon of child rape, one of the few activities in which South Africa is now a world leader. If you don’t believe me, you can read what Oprah Winfrey has to say about it here.

All other forms of violent crime are out of control, and Johannesburg is among the top world cities for muggings and violent assault, a fact seldom mentioned in connection with the 2010 World Cup which is scheduled to be hosted in South Africa.

As always with black violence the primary victims are their fellow blacks, however, the rape, murder and violent assault of whites is a daily event, and there is more …

As with the Matabeleland massacres, news of which the BBC, together with much of the world media suppressed for twenty years to protect their one time hero, Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, another secret genocide is being ignored by the world media, the genocide of white Boer farmers, thousands of whom have been horribly tortured to death in their homes since the end of Apartheid. Anyone who clicks on this link should we warned that it includes some very gruesome images as the savagery of these attacks belie the authorities attempts to dismiss them as nothing more than a “crime wave”.

Given that it is now all but illegal in South Africa to report the race of either victim or the perpetrator of a crime (unless the perpetrator is white and the victim black) and as modern South Africa’s official crime statistics are notoriously massaged, it is impossible to know the exact numbers of farm murders that have taken place. Many reliable sources estimate the figure as close to 3,000, but even if we take the more conservative figure of 1,600 quoted in the politically correct South African press (but not quoted at all in ours) this is three times the numbers killed by the South African security forces over a period of 43 years, and which the UN calls a crime against humanity.

To put this in perspective, the population of South Africa is 47 million, (13 million less than Britain despite its far greater land mass) of which the 4.3 million whites account for 9.1%, about 1% less than the immigrant population of Britain. Can you imagine the outcry if 1,600 (let alone 3,000) members of a minority community in Britain were tortured to death by the native population?.

Yet when the victims are white, there is hardly a peep in the South African press and silence from the international media. Compare this to when a white youth is the killer, such as in the case of Johan Nel, who shot three Africans, a story which became instant world wide news with the predictable screams of racism and machete wielding mobs baying for his blood.

(And they accuse us of hate?!! Don’t such people nauseate themselves with their hypocrisy?!)

Crime aside, Mandela and his ANC inherited the strongest economy in Africa, indeed, despite economic sanctions, South Africa was still one of the richest world nations, and indeed initially there was a brief post Apartheid boom, resulting from the lifting of sanctions and due to the fact that until affirmative action forced most of the whites out of their jobs to be replaced by under qualified blacks, those who had built South Africa were still in place.

However, any optimism was to be short lived. Now, after just 14 years of rule by Mandela and his grim successor Mbeke, corruption is rife, the country is beset with power cuts and the infrastructure is crumbling.

The nation’s great cities like Durban and Johannesburg, which could once rival the likes of Sydney, Vancouver and San Francisco, had descended in to decaying crime ridden slums within a decade.

And in recent months we have seen the so called Rainbow nations ultimate humiliation, as xenophobic anti immigration violence spreads across the country. (“xenophobic” is what the media call racism when blacks do it) As poverty and unemployment explodes and is exacerbated by the floods of immigrants flooding in to escape the even more advanced Africanisation of the rest of the country, the mobs turn on those they blame for stealing their jobs, their homes, and their women.

Thus the cycle turns, and, like watching some barbaric version of “back to the future”, on the news we see exactly the same scenes we saw on our televisions twenty years ago, wrecked buildings, burning vehicles, mobs brandishing machetes, axes and knives hacking at everything and everyone which comes within their reach. Most horrific of all, we see the return of that most savage symbol of African brutality, the necklace where, to the cheers of a blood thirsty crowd, some poor trembling soul, with a tire around his neck, is dragged from his home and set alight, exactly as all those other poor souls were set alight throughout the Apartheid years, when we were told it was all the evil white man’s fault.

As nothing else the return of the necklace exposes the failure of Mandela’s revolution, and those who fought for him should weep.

Under Apartheid, blacks and whites went to separate hospitals but they received world class health care, whatever their colour, now the facilities are collapsing or non-existent. Black children went to different schools than white children, but they received an education, something which is now a privileged luxury. When they grew up, their bosses may have been white, but they had jobs and a living wage, as the recent violence shows us, such security is but a memory for most South Africans.

Eighteen years after Nelson and Winnie made their historic walk towards the cameras, and 14 years, since Mandela assumed power on a tide of optimism, a once proud South Africa slides like a crumbling, crime ridden, wreck towards a precipice created though greed, corruption and incompetence.

For all his gleaming smiles, grandfatherly hand gestures, and folksy sound bites, tomorrow night, when crowd cheers the retired terrorist in the gaudy shirt, they would do best not to focus too closely upon his much admired legacy, as they might just find that the Xhosan Emperor has no clothes. For Nelson Mandela’s lasting achievement is that, in the face of a wold wishing him well, he, and the party he leads, have shown the world that, for all its flaws, Apartheid was a more benign system than what replaced it, and that the average South African was immeasurably better off under the hated white rule than they are under the alternative which black rule has created.

That is quite an achievement, even for a living legend.

Sarah Maid of Albion

Vir God en Vaderland. ‘n Autobiografie van Jopie Fourie


In 1914 se tragiese botsing van broer teen broer sterf Jopie Fourie voor ‘n vuurpeleton en word feitlik ‘n legende onder sy mense.

Nie altyd ‘n mense se lewe en werk nie, maar dikwels sy sterwe verseker sy onsterflikheid in die hart van ‘n volk. So ‘n man was Jopie Fourie. As daardie skote nooit op 20 Desember 1914 se Sondag môre in die Sentrale Gevangenis te Pretoria geklap het nie, sou hy waarskynlik soos vele ander maar net nog ‘n treffende voorbeeld van ‘n uiters pligsgetroue burger, toegewyde gesinsman en patriotiese Afrikaner gewees het. Sy sterwe sou hom egter verhef tot één van die Afrikanervolk se grootste tragiese helde – ‘n martelaar vir en simbool van die Afrikaner se hoogste nasionale strewe, naamlik om vry onder ‘n eie republikeinse vlag te kan lewe.

Vir ander was en is die naam Jopie Fourie egter ‘n verwyt, ‘n aanklag. Vir ander weer dat hy, vanweë sy optrede, voor die vuurpeloton slegs sy verdiende loon ontvang het. Dit is die kante van die lewensverhaal van ‘n Jopie Fourie. Fourie is op 27 Augustus 1878 op die plaas Wildeeesthoek, noord van die Magaliesberge, gebore, en soos sy oupa en vader sou ook hy die name Joseph Johannes dra, maar in die omgang sou hy altyd as Jopie bekend staan.

Aanvanklik sou Jopie op die plaas skoolgaan om daarna verskeie skole in Pretoria te besoek. Toe hy sewentien word, is besluit om hom na die Grey College in Bloemfontein te stuur om daar verdere onderrig te ontvang. Hierdie skool, onder die bekwame leiding van die bekende dr. Johannes Brill was tot in Transvaal vir sy deeglike opleiding en vorming van jong Afrikaners in die modelstaat van presidente Brand, Reitz en Steyn bekend.

Tydens die Desember vakansie van 1895 sou dr. L.S Jameson en sy vrybuiters dit waag om met beplande steun van die Engelse uitlanders in Johannesburg Transvaal binne te val. Die vurige Jopie het dadelik as vrywilliger aangesluit en toe Jameson by Doornkop, suid van Krugersdorp, tot oorgawe gedwing is, was Jopie die persoon wat as tussenganger gekies is om tussen die kommando van Kommandant P. Roos en Jameson op te tree. Om een of ander rede is Jopdie die volgende jaar nie na die Vrystaat terug vir sy verdere skoolopleiding nie. Hy is na Stellenbosch, waar hierdie lewensllustige jong seun hom weer veral op die rugbyveld sou onderskei. Sonder om te matrikuleer, tree hy in 1897 tot die staatsdiens van die Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek in die kantoor van die Ouditeur-Generaal toe. In Pretoria gaan hy by sy oupa en vader se goeie vriend, kommandant-generaal P.J Joubert, tuis waar hy deur mev. Joubert soos ‘n eie seun behandel word. 

Toe onluste in 1897 in Swaziland uitbreek, is ‘n ekspedisie bestaande uit die Z.A.R Polisie en ‘n vrywilligerskorps uit Pretoria na die grens gestuur. Jopie was onder die eerstes wat aangesluit het, waarskynlik omdat die vier mure van sy kantoor vir hom meestal ondraaglik was. Die oop veld gepaard met avontuur was sy wêreld. Sonder dat veel voorgeval het, was hy binne enkele maande weer agter die lessenaar om smiddae op die oefenveld en Saterdae in wedstryde sy hele hart as voorspeler op die rugbyveld uit te speel. Kragtig het leiers soos Joubert, Botha en ander teen die gevare van ‘n oorlog met Brittanje gewaarsku, maar toe die teerling eenmaal gewerp is, het hulle hul volle steun aan President Kruger toegesê om die Republieke se onafhanklikheid met al die mag tot hul beskikking te verdedig.

Toe die kommandant-generaal, Piet Joubert, versoek om op sy persoonlike staf te dien, het hy dit met albei hande aangegryp. Hy sou uit die gehate kantoor wegkom en sy Oom Piet met sy hele hart dien. Aan die ander kant sou die opperbevelhebber van die Republikeinse magte geweet het wat hy het aan hierdie jong man wat pas mondig geword het. Hy was deur en deur betroubaar en iemand op wie jy in enige omstandighede of krisis kon staatmaak. Aan Jopie is egter hoë eise gestel. Die kommando’s wat Natal in Oktober 1899 binnegeval het, was wyd verspreid en rapporte moes met haas van en na die hoofkwartier geneem word. Nouliks het hy doodmoeg en uitgeput van ‘n rapport- of verkenningstog teruggekeer, of hy is sonder ‘n ruskans onmiddelik met ‘n vars perd op ‘n nuwe sending uitgestuur. 

Tydens so ‘n rit is hy in die omgewing van Newcastle in ‘n ongeluk met ‘n perd beseer en toegelaat om op die familieplaas te gaan herstel. Nog nie behoorlik gesond nie, was hy weer terug op kommando. As iets gedoen moes word, moes dit dadelik en goed gedoen word. Generaal Joubert se terughoudendheid op die front en onwil om die vyand vinnig en hard te slaan, het die jong burgers soos hy ongeduldig gemaak. Maar wie is Jopie om ‘n geëerde en ervare man soos Oom Piet Joubert se oordeel in twyfel te trek? Toe generaal Joubert op die front ernstig siek word en op 27 Maart 1900 in Pretoria aan buikvliesontsteking oorlede is, sou sy staf opbreek en by verskeie kommando’s gaan aansluit. Ná die inname van Pretoria in Junie 1900 doen Jopie Fourie rapportryerswerk vir Advokaat Ewald Esselen se kommando. Steeds val sy toegewyde diens en onverskrokkenheid op. Op ‘n keer word hy onverwags deur twee swartes oorval wat hom met ‘n knopkierie neervel, maar hy slaag daarin om hulle in ‘n worsteling van lewe en dood af te weer totdat hulp van ‘n vriend opdaag. 

‘n Ruk lank is hy in die omgewing van Magaliesberg met ‘n kommando doenig, maar sluit daarna by een van die Heidelbergse kommando’s aan wat onder bevel van sy oom, Kommandant Willem Pretorius, staan. Teen Oktober 1901 bevind hy hom by ‘n klein kommando’tjie wat in die Bosveld ten noorde van Pretoria optree. Daar is ‘n ernstige gebrek aan goeie ryperde en daar word besluit om ‘n Britse afdeling wat in ‘n huis verskans was, in die nag aan te val en hulle van hul perde te beroof. Onder die vrywilligers vir die gewaagde daad was Jopie Fourie. Die burgers moes die wagte oorrompel en dan met die perde uit die stalle jaag. Alles vorder goed, maar terwyl Jopie besig is om die perde los te maak, knal ‘n skoot van ‘n senuagtige burger. Jopie besef daar is moeilikheid aan die kom. Hy storm in die donker op die huis se voordeur af om te keer dat die soldate wat binne is, uitstorm. Terwyl hy op sy knie staan en skiet, word hy in die regerbeen net bokant die knie getref. Met groot gesukkel kruip hy na ‘n veilige plek, waar een van sy makkers hom verder uit gevaar neem. Só ernstig is die bloeiende wond en half vergruisde been, dat sy makkers vra om hom in die hut van ‘n swartman agter te laat. Daar is vir hom egter geen ander uitweg as om die Tommies te laat vra om  hom te kom haal nie. 

Hy is met ‘n veldwaentjieopgelaai en vier dae later in ‘n hospitaal in Pretoria opgeneem. Twee maande later, mank vir die res van sy lewe, is hy in ‘n arreskamp in Pretoria opgeneem, maar nie vir lank nie. Kort daarna is die bitter vrede gesluit wat vir Jopie pynliker as al die pyn in die hospitaal was. In Julie 1902 is hy vrygelaat. Hy is terug na Wildbeesthoek om saam met sy oupa en vader die half-verwoeste plaas weer op te bou. Met die Fouries se kenmerkende deeglikheid en deursettingsvermoë is die taak met ‘n wil om weer bo te kom, aangepak. Binne enkele jare was op die plaas, soos die meeste plase in die eertydese Boere-republieke, geen tekens meer van die vyand se verwoestingswerk nie. 

In 1903 is Jopie met die aantreklike Susan Engelmohr, ‘n nooi van Pretoria, getroud. Hierdie stil en ingetoë mens was vir Jopie ‘n wonderlike lewensmaat. ‘n Ruk lank, naamlik in 1910, sou hy op die Fouries se ander plaas, Boskop, ook in die distrik van Pretoria, boer, maar in 1912 keer hy na die familieplaas terug om naas die boerdery ook die amp van staatsinspekteur van brandsiekte en beeste in die distrik te aanvaar. Dit sou hom in wye kontak met talle mede boere bring. Jopie et ‘n lewendige belangstelling in die politiek gehad. Hoewel hy ‘n vurige ondersteuner van generaals Louis Botha en Jan Smuts se Het Volk-party was, was hy in sy beskouinge nooit fanatiek of teenoor die teenpartye kwetsend in sy opmerkinge nie. Hy deel in die Afrikner se vreugte toe in 1907 aan die eertydse republieke selfbesuur toegeken word, en die Het Volk-party en die Orangia-Unie in die Vrystaan aan bewind kom. 

Met unifikasie in 1910 sou hy as lid van Generaal Botha se verkiesingskomitee ywerig aan die werk spring, maar sy geliefde Generaal is op verassende wyse  deur Sir Percy Fitzpatrick in die kiesafdeling Pretoria-Oos verslaan – met 95 stemme. Die neerlaag het Jopie nie ontmoedig nie. Soos soveel ander Afrikaners was hy vas oortuig dat Botha en Smuts besig was om die politiek so te rig dat ‘n republikeinse vlag eendag weer oor die hele Suid-Afrika sou wapper. Met die uitstoot uit Botha se kabinet in 1912 van Generaal J.B.M Hertzog – die onverbiddelike kampvegter vir n Afrikaanse taal, gelykberegtiging van albei taalgroepe op alle vlakke en die beginsel van Suid-Afrika eerste, nl. Suid-Afrika se belange bo die van die Britse Ryk – was Jopie eigsins geskok in sy leier se optrede. Hy het self Generaal Hertzog se toespraak by De Wildt, nie ver van Wildebeesthoek nie, bygewoon en kon daarmee geen fout vind nie. Jopie wou egter sy leier nie sonder meer veroordeel nie, want steeds het hy geglo dat al die boeregeneraals besig was om dieselfde ideal na te streef. Die vraag het wel aan hom begin knaag of Botha en Smuts se konsiliasiebeleid tussen Engels- en Afrikaansprekendes die regte was. Hy het self vriende onder die Engelse gehad. Het het selfs Vere Stent, die uitgesproke imperialis en redakteur van die Pretoria News, geken, maar as hy oor samewerking met die Engelsman voorgestaan het, dan moes dit nie ten koste van die Afriker se taal, kultuur of ideale geskied nie. 

Toe die Unie se Verdedigingsmag in 1912 tot stand kom, versoek genl. C.F Beyers, wat as Kommandant-generaal aan die hoof daarvan gestaan het, vir Jopie om by die staande mag aan te sluit en opleiding daarvoor te ontvang. Vanweë sy beengebrek, want hy het nog steeds mank geloop, sien hy egter nie daarvoor kans nie. Sy plig om krygsdiens te verrig sou hy egter nie ontwyk nie. 

Hy tree tot die aktiewe burgermag toe en word in Julie 1913 tot kaptein van die 13de berede Skutters bevorder – ‘n rang waarop hy besonder trots was. Met die uitbreek van die oorlog in Europa in die eerste dae van Augustus 1914, waarvan die skrikwekkende uitwerking te voorsien maar nog nie ervaar is nie, het die Britse kabinet die Suid-Afrikaanse regering versoek om Suidwes-Afrika, indertyd ‘n Duitse kolonie, te beset aangesien die radiostasies aldaar groot gevaar vir die Brise skeepvaart ingehou het. Hiertoe het die Botha-kabinet dadelik ingestem. Van hierdie verpligting om Suidwes in te val, sou slegs die kabinet weet. Op 13 Augustus roep Generaal Smuts, Minister van Verdediging, al die stafoffisiere byeen en deel hulle mee dat ‘n mag van 20 000 man op die been gebring moet word om ‘n moontlike Duitse aanval af te weer. Allerlei gerugte het die rondte begin doen, onder meer dat ‘n aanval op die Duitsers beplan word. In die gemoed van die Afrikanervolk was daar onrus. Met die Duitsers had die Afrikner geen byltjie te slyp nie, want was dit nie die Duitse volk wat gedurende die Anglo-boereoorlog so sterk met hulle gesimpatiseer en daarna tot die fondse vir die weduwees en wese bygedra het nie? In die omgang was daar al sprake van verset, selfs van opstand en rebellie as so iets wel moet gebeur. 

Om ‘n mag oor die grense van die Unie te stuur, was parlementêre goedkeuring nodig. Op 12 September 1914 vergader die twee huise van die Parlement in Kaapstad. Generaal Botha lê ‘n dramatiese verklaring af: “Die Duitsers het die grens van die Unie oorskry, die Duitsers het die vyandelikhede begin by Nakop. Die toestand is ernstig, die land is in gevaar. Geen ander keuse het die Regering, geen ander keuse het die volk van Suid-Afrika nie, as om sy grondgebied te verdedig teen die onbeskaamde aanvaller.”

Wat bloot ‘n insident aan die grens tussen die Unie en Duits-Suidwes oor ‘n omstrede polisiepos was, het skielik ‘n gewigtige rede vir militêre optrede geword, terwyl die ware feite aan die Parlement verswyg is, naamlik dat die kabinet reeds op ‘n aanval op Duits-Suidwes besluit het. Die versoek om Suidwes binne te val, is in die Volksraad met 92 stemme teen 12 stemme in in die Senaat met 24 teenoor 5 stemme goedgekeur. Vir Generaal Botha moes Suid-Afrika die weg van “plig en eer” volg. Bowendien, as die Suid-Afrikaanse magte nie die taak onderneem om Suidwes te best nie, sou Brittanje waarskynlik die hulp van troepe uit Australië of Indië inroep om dit te doen, en dit sou nie in belang van die land wees nie. Ook die Engelse in die land sou in verset kom as die Unie nie sy lot by Brittanje in sy uur van nood inwerp nie. Generaal Koos de la Rey wil as Senaatslid nie teen sy strydmakker en politieke vriend, Louis Botha stem nie, maar hy sien ook nie kans dat Afrikanerseuns hul bloed vir die Britse Ryk opoffer nie. Hy verlaat die Senaatsaal en besluit om terug te keer na Transvaal.

Wat hierna sou volg, hoort tot een van die tragiese momente van ons land se geskiedenis. Toe Generaal de la Rey in Transvaal aankom het hy kontak gemaak met Generaal Beyers, wat op 15 September uit protes teen die Parlement se besluit sy pos as Kommandant-Generaal van die S.A. Verdedigingsmag neergelê het. Daar is besluit om saam per motor na die militêre kamp op Potchefstroom te reis om daar met die bevelvoerder, Generaal J.C. Kemp, te beraadslaag wat hulle verder in die krisis te doen staan. Op weg daarheen jaag die twee generaals deur ‘n hinderlaag wat vir die gevaarlike Foster-bende opgestel is. ‘n Opslagkoeël in die strate van Langlaagte tref Generaal de la Rey, die befaamde held en Leeu van Wes-Transvaal, in die hart. In die lig van al die spanning, gerugte en onsekerheid het die meeste Afrikaners Generaal De la Rey se dood as ‘n berekende daad van die Botha-regering beskou. Op 20 September is Generaal De la Rey in die teenwoordigheid van manne soos Generaals Botha, Smuts, Beyers en Christiaan de Wet op Lichtenburg begrawe. Die volgende dag is ‘n groot volksvergadering gehou waar die ou republikeinse Vierkleur gewapper het. Gevoelens loop hoog, maar die toesprake van ds. S.J du Toit (Totius), Generaal De Wet en ander het ‘n kalmerende uitwerking. Die vergadering besluit eenparig om protes aan te teken teen die parlementsbesluit omdat die volk nie vooraf daaroor geraadpleeg is nie. 

Of Jopie by die begrafnis of die volksvergadering teenwoordig was, is nie bekend nie. Hierna is oral vergaderings gehou. Protesstemme het opgegaan en ultimatums is gestel, maar al versekering wat die onrustige Afrikaners kon kry, is dat niemand teen sy wil opgekommandeer sou word om in Duits-Suidwes te gaan veg nie. Reeds op 23 September word aan Generaal Manie Maritz, wat met burgermageenhede by Kakamas en Upington saamgetrek was, opdrag gegee om na die grens van Suidwes op te ruk. Die uiteinde was dat Maritz op 9 Oktober met ‘n klomp jong manne van die Noordweste na die Duitsers oorgestap het. Wat in Jopie se gemoed omgegaan het toe hy op 10 Oktober Pretoria besoek om inkopies te gaan doen, weet ons nie. Toe ds. Herman van Broekhuizen hom in die straat raakloop en meedeel dat die geboortedag van Paul Kruger daardie aand met ‘n sangfees en ‘n voorlesing deur Generaal Beyers in die Opera-gebou in Pretorius straat gevier gaan word, maar dat daar gerugte is dat sekere elemente die verrigtinge vanweë Generaal Beyers  se teenwoordigheid wil ontwrig, het hy dadelik ingewillig om die genooide gaste te help beskerm. 

Toe die verrigtinge met gebed sou begin, was daar van die gallery, waar Jopie ook saam met ‘n klomp ander Afrikaners gesit het, ‘n oorverdowerende lawaai en gesing van “Rule Britannia”, “Tipperary” en “God Save the King”. Ten spyte van beroepe van die voorsitter, ds. Van Boekhuizen, het die rumoer voortgeduur. Dit was toe dat Jopie, wat Engels goed magtig was, opgestaan en die mense op die galery soos volg toegespreek het: “Gentlemen, I appeal to you as Englishmen! Surely you are under a wrong impression; our coming together here tonight is not to discuss politics. We are here to honour our great President. Certainly no nation, and least of all you English, would prevent us from doing it. I wish to ask all of you present who do not sympathize with us or who do not wish to hear the music or the singing, to leave this building.”

Enkeles het dit wel gedoen, maar as almal wat daardie aand die Afrikaner wou kom verneder, uitgestap het, het Jopie se lewenspad waarskynlik anders geloop. Vir n ruk lank het dit rustiger daaraan toegegaan, maar toe Generaal Beyers na pouse met die grootste moeite sy lesing oor Paul Kruger lewer, het oproer opnuut uitgebreek. Dit is toe dat Jopie en sy vriende onder die oproermakers op die gallery inklim. In hierdie stadium is ook die hulp van die polisie ingeroep en die uiteinde was dat Generaal Beyers onder polisiegeleiding weggeneem moes word. Die gepeupel het intussen ook sy motorbande stukkend gesteek. Die gebeure en die Engelse se optrede het Jopie diep geskok, veral die mate van haat wat hulle teenoor Beyers openbaar het. Hy moes homself ernstig die vraag vra: Wat het van sy leier, Generaal botha, se versoeningsbeleid tereg gekom? Sy pleidooie van gee-en-neem het klaarblyklik daarop uitgeloop dat die Engelse as oorwinnaars net wil neem en die Afrikaner niks wil gun nie, ten minste nie dit wat vir hom heilig en dierbaar is nie. Is Generaal Hertzog se tweestroombeleid van absolute gelyke beregtiging tussen die twee volkgsgroepe nie miskien die regte pad nie? 

Jopie worstel met homself. Daar is teleurstelling, vertwyfeling en onsekerheid in sy gemoed. Daar is gerugte van rebellie oral in die lug en nou word nog krygswet deur Smuts aangekondig. Wat sou dit beteken? Opgekommandeer word om in Duitswes te gaan veg? Na Generaal Maritz se oorlopery na die Duitsers en vanweë die gespanne toestand wat oral in die land tussen voor- en teenstanders van die Regering geheers het, is op 11 Oktober 1914 ‘n verklaring oor Maritz se optrede uitgereik en die volgende dag krygswet in ‘n buitengewone Staatskoerant aangekondig. Aan Generaal Smuts, Minister van Verdediging, is nou heel besonder mag verleen. almal word die swye opgelê. Kritiek op die owerheid se militêre optrede is verbode. 

Meer as ‘n week gaan verby. Jopie het stil geword en niks gesê nie. Generaal Beyers is reeds veld toe. Oral begin burgers gewapend byeenkom. Teen die Duitsers sou hulle nie gaan veg nie. Jopie worstel steeds met sy lojaliteit teenoor Generaal Botha en die vertroue wat in hom ontbreek. Hierdie deeglike mens, sorgsame eggenoot, geliefde seun en kleinseun en in normale omstandighede ‘n opgeruimde mens, weet dat hy ‘n beslissing moet maak. Hy was nog altyd een wat vinnig besluite neem en hulle deurvoer, kom wat wil. Wat hy glo, doen hy, maar hy wil nie nou in sy drif besluit nie. In Oktober versoek Generaal Botha hom om in die Pretoria distrik rond te gaan en vas te stel hoeveel mense vir Generaal Beyers steun. Hy bly sy Generaal ‘n antwoord skuldig, want diep in sy hart weet hy dat hy so iets nooit sal kan doen nie. 

Daardie aand, na hy reeds tevore ‘n lang gesprek met sy oupa gehad het om by hom lig op sy pad te probeer kry, sê hy aan sy vrou en sy moeder: “Dit is nou eenmaal in my hart; ek kan dit nie keer nie; by my volk moet ek gaan staan; ek gaan uit na my mense vir ons vaderland en ons vryheid.” Op Sondagmiddag, 24 Oktober, staan sy familie en kyk hoe Jopie en sy jonger broer, Johannes, die plaas te perd met hul gewere verlaat. Hulle het hul Weermag uniforms aan. Dit was miskien ‘n fout, asook die feit dat hulle nie vooraf uit die burgermag bedank en Jopie sy rang neergelê het nie. By Klipfontein sluit hulle by Generaal Christiaan Beyers se protesmag aan. Omdat Generaal Beyers in Pretoria voortdurend met sy lewe bedreig is, het hy na Damhoek by die Magaliesberge uitgewyk, waar ‘n aantal burgers, meestal gewapen, by hom kom aansluit het. Beyers het hierdie saamtrek van manne bloot as ‘n protesbeweging, ‘n demonstrasie sonder geweld, gesien. Sy verduideliking was: “Dit was oorspronklik ewe min Generaal De Wet se bedoeling as my bedoeling om te rebelleer. Ons wou net protesteer teen die handelswyse van die regering insake D.S.W.A…” Die burgers persoonlik nie, want dan het dit geen ander gevolg gehad as om die tronke vol te maak nie, maar gesamentlik, deur saam in die veld in te trek, deur met ‘n openlike daad aan die regering en aan die wêreld te toon dat hulle die gemene handelswyse van die regering afkeur en dat hulle hul nie in die diens van die ‘Empire’ vir rowers sou laat gebruik nie. 

Gaandeweg sou die protesbeweging, sonder vaste plan of koers, wel veel meer as dit word. Dit sou inderdaad vir derduisende burgers ‘n opstand  teen die regering wees met die doel om opnuut die republiekeinse ideale van die Afrikanervolk te verwesenlik, maar trouens met nog minder plan en koers as die aanvanklike protesbeweging. Die dag nadat Jopie en sy jongste broer, Hannes, by Generaal Beyers aangesluit het, is Jopie as kommandant aangestel onder Generaal J.J. Pienaar in Noord-Transvaal te dien. Noord-Transvaal is in drie streke verdeel en Jopie word in bevel van die streek onmiddellik noord van Pretoria geplaas. Hy het nooit meer as vyftig manne onder sy bevel gahad nie, en met die krygstaktiek wat hy gedurende die oorlog van 1899-1902 geleer het, sorg hy dat hy uuit die hande van die regeringstroepe bly, wat van alle kante op die proteserendes in Transvaal en die Vrystaat toesak. 

Omdat die Rebellie in werklikheid niks anders as ‘n ingewing van die oomblik was nie, was dit as ‘n krygsaksie deurgaans planloos en selfs verbeeldingloos. Kans op sukses vir die rebelle was daar eintlik nooit. Minder as 12 000 swak gewapende en half-gesdissiplineerde rebelle sou dit op die lange duur nie teen ‘n oormag van goed bewapende en gedissiplineerde manne – opgekommandeerde Afrikaners en regeringsgesinde vrywilligers – met onbeperkte reserwes aan mannekrag en voorrade, volhou nie. 

In die Vrystaat is weerstand gebreek nadat ‘n groot aantal rebelle onder leiding van Generaal de Wet deur Generaal Botha by Mushroom Valley verslaan is en hy met ‘n uitgsoekte klompie manne na Suidwes probeer vlug het, maar aan die grens van Betsjoeanaland gevange geneem en in die fort by Johannesburg opgesluit is. Generaal Beyers, wat intussen na die Vrystaat afgetrek het, waarskynlik om met Generaal de Wet kontak te maak en saam na President Steyn op Onze Rust te gaan om raad, leiding, koers wat ook al te verkry, is by Bultfontein verslaan. Toe ook hy uitvlug om die grens van Suidwes te haal, sou hy onder druk van regeringsgroepe in die Vaalrivier verdrink. 

Op 10 Desember kon Generaal Botha ‘n verklaring uitreik: “Die opstand is nou feitlik op ‘n end. Die vernaamste leiers het deur die dood of deur gevangneming verdwyn…Die enigste taak wat nou nog wag, is om Maritz en Kemp, wat albei in Suidwes is, te verslaan.” Wat Generaal Botha nie vermeld het nie,was dat die opstand ten noorde van Pretoria nog voortgewoed het. Tot Saterdag, 30 Oktober, sou Jopie en sm manne nog geen skoot afvuur nie. Hulle ontwyk die regeringstroepe sover hulle kan. Hul enigste doel is om verbindings te vernietig. Jopie wil nie bloed vergiet nie. Toe een van sy manne hom in die veld vra of dit nie vir hom gevaarlik is dat hy nie as offisier bedank het nie, antwoord Jopie: Hoekom sou ek? Ons gaan mos nie veg nie. Ons protesteer presies soos daar vroeër met die wapen in die hand geprotesteer is by Wonderfontein en Paardekraal. Die regering sal onderhandel. Generaal Botha het ‘n verkeerde pad ingeslaan, maar hy is nie ‘n man wat op sy eie Afrikaners sal skiet nie.”

Toe die berigte van ander gevegsterreine wel deurkom dat bloed gevloei het en dat mense gedood en gewond is, het die stemming in Jopie verander. Toe op 30 Oktober berig kom dat Generaal Pienaar by Zoutpansdrif aangeval word, het Jopie en sy manne hom onmiddelik te hulp gesnel. Ononhoudelik word daar geskiet en aan albei kante word mense gewond en gedood, maar die regeringstroepe word gedwing om terug te val. ‘n Paar van hulle val in die hande van die rebelle en van hullle word verneem dat daar ook al op Generaal Beyers geskiet is. Dit was nou duidelik dat dit nie langer ‘n protes met bloot ‘n wapen in die hand was nie, maar dat dit nou ooorlog was en selfs tot ‘n burgeroorlog kon ontwikkel. Jopie het die erns daarvan ook besef en nog dardie dag saam met sy broer alle kentekens van hul uniform verwyder. Jopie het voor die probleem te staan gekom dat hy talle voetgangers by hom gehad het was sleg of heeltemal ongewapend was. Perde, wapens en ammunisie was dus dringend nodig. Waar Jopie dit van private persone kon kry, is daarvoor betaal en nooit met geweld afgeneem nie. Polisiestasies en Spoorwegstasies is wel aangeval en op die wapens beslag gelê. Steeds probeer Jopie nie aanvallend optree nie. Hy vlug dag en nag, maar wanneer daar op sy manne geskiet word, skiet hy terug. By twaalf geleenthede het die regeringsmagte hom aangeval en dit was dikwels net sy vernuftige krygstaktiek wat sy kommando’tjie uit die noute gekry het. Die stryd was vir hom ‘n mengsel van ontwyking en verdediging; selde of ooit ‘n berekende aanval. 

Op 8 November vind ‘n hewige geveg by Sandfontein plaas. Dit is ‘n botsing van ‘n groot aantal regeringstroepe onder Luitenant Kolonel Dirk van Deventer en die rebelle. Onder bevel van Generaal J.J Pienaar – iemand wat later bestem was om Administrateur van Transvaal te word. Die ongevalle onder die regeringsmagte is swaar: twaalf gedood. Hier in die Bosveld sou ruim ‘n derde van al die ongevalle aan beide kante van hierdie tragiese broederstryd in Suid-Afrika opgteken word. 

Jopie, wat die laer moes verdedig, het nie ‘n enkele skoot geskiet nie, maar dit was of hy hierna ontembaar was, veral omdat die Regering telkens geweier het om met hulle te onderhandel. In die gevegte wat volg, sou nog meer bloed vloei. Jopie het die houding ingeneem dat as die Regering dan oorlog soek, sal hulle oorlog kry. In hierdie stadium word aan alle rebelle wat voor 21 November hul wapens inhandig, amnestie verleen. By Generaal Pienaar se kommando gaan baie manne huis toe, maar by Jopie nie een nie. Oorgee sal hulle nie. Soos Jopie glo hulle in die regverdigheid van hul saak. Hulle word by baie Afrikaners die simbool van taaie volharding, maar by regeringsondersteuners ‘n toonbeeld van dwase hardkoppigheid. Terwyl Generaal Pienaar se kommando gaandeweg verbrokkel, word Jopie s’n versterk toe Veldkornet Simon Prinsloo met nog veertig man by hom kom aansluit. Op 23 November bevind hulle hulle by Rondefontein, digby Hammanskraal. Die manne is uitgeput van al die agtervolging, rondtrekkery, spanning en min slaap. Dit word vir hulle duidelik: ook hulle sal moet probeer uitvlug Suidwes toe, maars eers later as hulle uitgerus is. Dit sou hulle nie gegun word nie. Meedoënloos word Jopie en sy burgers gejag. ‘n Groot troepemag van  450 goed gewapende soldate ruk teen die kommando van tagtig man op. Dit word ‘n hewige geveg, maar Jopie se goeie stellinge verhoed dat die oormag hulle oorrompel. Teen die aand gebeur die ongelooflike; die regeringsmagte trek terug. Op die slagveld lê sewe rebelle egter dood, en talle is gewond; ook Jopie het ‘n armwond, wat hy vir sy manne wegsteek. 

Aan regeringskant het drie gesneuwel. vir Jopie, wat op die gevegsterrein dwaal, wag ‘n hewige skok. Onder die regeringsmanne wat gesterf het, kom hy af op sy vriend Kaptein Allen King – ‘n Engelsman wat onder talle Afrikaners in Pretoria besonder hoog geag is. “Dit moes nie gebeur het nie…Dit het hy nie verdien nie,” was Jopie se stamelende woorde. Diep bewoë bid hy knielend by die lyk van sy vyand, maar bo alles ‘n edele vriend. Nog ‘n geveg met verlies vind op 1 Desember by Dubbeldriwwe plaas, maar weer slaag Jopie daarin om sy agtervolgers te ontglip. Jopie se suksesvolle weerstand word vir die Regering ‘n verleentheid. In die oë van die teenstanders van Generaals Botha en Smuts groei Jopie se heldeskap met die dag. In Pretoria word magte gemonster om hom ‘n finale nekslag toe te dien. Aan die hoof van die nuwe offensief staan niemand anders as Kolonel J.J. Pretorius, Jopie se eie bloedneef. Dit was nie ‘n maklike taak wat op hom gewag het nie, maar hy is lojaal aan die Regering en hy moet sy plig doen, kom wat wil. Volgens berigte is Jopie in die omgewing van De Wildt, sowat 45km wes van Pretoria. Sonder versuim is Kolonel Pretorius se goed toegeruste kolonne per trein daarheen, maar van Jopie se kommando is daar geen teken nie. Verkenning bring aan die lig dat hulle in ‘n noordelike rigting uitgewyk het. Die hele dag volg hulle die spoor van Jopie se kommando’tjie. Kolonel Pretorius dryf sy manne genadeloos. Majoor Trewe, wat hom vergesel, doen dieselfde met sy polisiemag. Vir Jopie was die dag se tog nie minder veeleisend nie. Toe hulle teen die vroeë middag, Geloftedag, 16 Desember, op die plaas Nooitgedacht aankom en laer trek, was hulle onbewus van die naderende regeringsmagte. 

Jopie se mane neem die geleentheid waar om in die stilte van die veld te rus of in te sluimer. Generaal Pienaar, wat hom met sy oorblywende manskappe ook by Jopie bevind, slaap selfs diep. Skielik waarsku iemand: “Die troepe is hier!” Vinnig saal ‘n klompie op. Dit is reeds te laat; die eerte skote klap en slegs enkeles, onder andere ook Generaal Pienaar, slaag daarin om tusseen ruie bosse uit te jaag. Die res is vasgevang, maar Jopie gee bevel om in ‘n droeë rivierbedding daar naby stelling in te neem. Hy besef dat hulle teen ‘n oormag te staan gekom het wat hulle feitlik van alle kante insluit. 

Slegs die donker sou hulle kon red as hulle die aanvallers tot dan kan terughou. Meer as drie uur lank duur die geveg; die hewigste waarin Jopie en sy manne al ooit betrokke was. Die regeringsmagte is te baie en die rebelle se koeëls te min. Dit is asof die son gaan stilstaan en die genadiglike donker eenvoudig nie wil daal nie. Majoor Trewe se polisie het die kring al nouer getrek en die bevel kom om met gevelde bajonette in te storm. Dit word ‘n wanhopige handgemeen. Oplaas steek Jopie sy hande omhoog. Hy word dadelik vasgegryp en die res van die rebelle gooi hul gewere neer en gee oor. Aan regeringskant sneuwel tien manne en 21 is gewond; aan rebellekant is twee dood en vier swaar gewond. Daardie nag word Jopie en sy broer in ‘n huis daar naby aangehou om die volgende oggend vroeg saam met sy 43 ander burgers in Pretoria se gevangenisse opgesluit te word. Jopie en sy broer, Hannes, word by die Polisie se hoofkwartier apart in selle wat vir gekleurdes bedoel was, met slegs ‘n matras en kombers toegesluit. Wat hulle lot gaan wees, weet hulle nie. Miskien is daar toegeeflikheid, want pas twee weke tevore het generaal Botha nog gesê: “Ons moet regverdig en billik straf, maar ons moet ook vergeef en vergeet.” Generaal Botha is egter ‘n man met ‘n sagte hart, iemand wat hom die broederstryd diep aangetrek het, maar hy is die naweek op sy plaas en totaal onbewus van die tragedie wat hom sou afspeel. 

In Pretoria is Generaal Smuts in beheer. Hy is die harde wetsman. Reg moet geskied met vergelding. As daar skuldiges is, moet hulle ooreenkomstig hul dade gestraf word. Jopie en sy manne het nie van die amnestie wat op 21 November verval het, gebruik gemaak nie. Hoe kan hulle op vrywaring van hul bloedige dade aanspraak maak? Om onverklaarbare redes is daar by Generaal Smuts die eis dat Jopie en sy broer onmiddelik verhoor moet word. ‘n Veldkrygsraad moet dadelik saamgestel word en reeds op 18 Desember sy verrigtinge begin. Majoor N.C Sim stel die aanklag saam en sewe getuienisse sal ingeroep word. Toe die haastig saamgestelde krygshof in die polisiegimnasium onder voorsitterskap van Kolonel Theo Truter om tienuur sy sitting begin, maak Jopie se advokaat, Van Hees, beswaar teen die samestelling van die hof. Hy voer aan dat ‘n veldkrygshof geen regsbvoegheid in die stad het nie en slegs sitting mag neem as ‘n gewone krygshof nie daartoe in staat is nie. Die voorsitter verklaar dat hy wel van die Minister van Verdediging magtiging het dat ‘n veldkrygshof bevoeg is om die beskuldigdes te verhoor. 

Hierop het Advokaat van Hees die hof daarop gewys dat die veldkrygsraad volgens die Militêre Kode van die Unie van Suid-Afrika onmiddelik na sy uitspraak, wat nie in die openbaar mag geskied nie, die vonnis moet laat uitvoer. Om hierdie rede het Advokaat Van Hees die hof in kennis gestel dat hy na die hooggeregshof sal appelleer as die vonnis ongunstig vir sy kliënte is. Al wat die voorsitter hierop laat volg het, is dat sy beswaar aangeteken sal word, maar dat die hof, volgens sy oordeel, behoorlik saamgestel was en met die saak kon voortgaan. Joseph Johhanes en Johannes Petrus Fourie word gelyktydig aangekla as synde offisiere van die Unie-Verdedigingsmag wat verraad gepleeg het omdat hulle hulle in die maande November-Desember 1914 in die Pretoria distrik teen Sy Majesteit se magte verset het en deelgeneem het aan ‘n gewapende rebellie. Jopie pleit eers onskuldig en Hannes skuldig, maar toe wysig Jopie sy pleit na skuldig aan ‘n gewapende opstand, maar onskuldig aan hoogverraad. Getuienis op getuienis word gelewer van Jopie se kommando se optrede in die veld; van polisiestasies wat aangeval is, terwyl telefoondrade wat geknip is; van persone wat hulle wou werf om op kommando te gaan om teen die Botha regering te veg, en oor botsings tussen hulle en die regeringsmagte. Ook is getuig dat Jopie en sy broer offisiere van die 13de Berede Skutters was, maar reeeds vermis was voordat hul korps op aktiewe diens geplaas is. Daar is getuig dat hulle uniforms van die Verdedigingsmag gedra het, maar dat daar keen kentekens of rangtekens op die uniforms voorgekom het nie – iets wat algemeen tydens die Anglo-Boereoorlog in gebruik was. 

Die hof verdaag daarna om die Vrydag middag aan lede van die Verdedigingsmag die geleentheid te bied om die begrafnis by te woon van die manne wat aan regeringskant by Nooitgedacht gesneuwel het. Nieteenstaande Advokaat Van Hees se pleidooi dat daar geen bewys aangevoer is dat Jopie en sy broer al op aktiewe diens was, of dat hulle die oproep tot aktiewe diens wel ontvang het nie, en dus nie deur ‘n veldkrygshof verhoor kan word nie, het die voorsitter, Kolonel Truter, voet by stuk gehou en die hof is die volgende Saterdag oggend voortgesit. Jopie self sou nie onder eed getuig nie, maar wel ‘n verklaring aflê, met ander woorde dit sou die beskuldigde se finale pleidooi wees. Advokaat Van Hees vra die hof beleefd om Jopie toe te laat om die hof sonder ‘n tolk, toe te spreek. Weer beslis die voorsitter dat die hof geen teater is nie en dat Jopie se verklaring woord vir woord vertolk sou word. Dit was egter so gebrekkig dat advokaat Van Hees dit moes oordoen. Nadat Jopie die hof aandagtig deurgekyk het, kom die volgende woorde uit sy hart: “Ek wil weergee waarom ek op 16 Desember ‘n gewapende mag in die veld gehad het teen die Britse Troepe. Ek is ‘n gebore Transvaler – gebore onder die Republikeinse vlag. In die laaste oorlog het ek teen die Engelse geveg totdat ek swaar gewond na ‘n hospitaal gebring is. Na my gevangeneming het ‘n Engelse offisier my met sy rewolwer op my kop geslaan; dit het my nie lekker laat voel teenoor die Engelse nie, maar ek het my gedurig bedwing met die hoop dat die Engelse met ons sou saamwerk om ‘n voorspoedige Suid-Afrika op te bou.

“Die toestand het enige jare geduur, maar my ondervinding is dat waar die Engelse ‘n kans gekry het om die gevoelens van die Afrikaner seer te maak, dit vir hulle ‘n plesier gewees het. Ek daag enige Engelsman uit om te sê dat ek ‘n fout begaan het as dit hom oorgekom het om onder ‘n vreemde nasie gebuk te staan, en as sy gevoelens seerkgemaak is. “Toe daar ‘n tyd gelede sprake van oorlog in Duitswes  Afrika was, was ek een van die persone wat nie daarooor geraas het nie, al was ek daarteen; ek kan nie sien waarom ons Regering oorlog moes verklaar teen Duitsland, wat ons nog nooit leed aangedoen het nie. Ek kan nie insien waarom ons jong Afrikaners vir Engeland se eer moet veg nie. “Wanneer ons die moord van Slagtersnek nagaan;  die moord wat die slag van Bloedrivier voorafgegaan het; die moord op ons mense by Holkrans waar die moord gepleeg is deur naturelle onder aanvoering van Engelse offisiere; en wanneer ek dink aan die 30 000 vroue en kinders wat vermoor is, sien ek nie waarom ek Engeland moet help om sy eer hoog te hou nie. Nogmaals daag ek enige man uit om die vinger op my te wys en te sê: ‘Jy het ‘n fout begaan!” Ek weet dat die Regering my as ‘n rebel beskou en in my teleurgesteld is. Ook is ek teleurgesteld in die Regering wat ek op die been help bring het. “Dan word daar van gelyke regte gepraat – maar gaan net na die gevangenis en kry ‘n gewone kwitnasie vir ‘n pyp en sien of daar ‘n enkele woord Hollands op is. Waar kom die gelyke regte dan in?

“Tien Oktober het ek na ‘n konsert in die Operagebou gegaan – die konsert is ter gedagtenis van ons geagte president Kruger gegee – maar in plaas van musiek en aansprake oor die lewe van die Presidnet te hoor, het daar vuil skelwoorde op my ore geval, en terwyl ‘n dominee besig was met ‘n openingsgebed, is ‘Rule Brittania’ met stokke in ons keel afgepers en die dames op die verhoog met vrot eiers getref. As dit Britse gelykheid is, dan wil ek daar nie onder lewe nie, en dit is my ‘n groter eer om hier te staan as gevangene dan as ‘n offisier in die Engelse leër.”

Vir ‘n oomblik bly hy stil en dan vervat hy met die emosie: “Wat ek gedoen het, het ek met oop oë en vrye oortuiging gedoen. Selfs is ek tot vandag toe nog oortuig dat die Godheid die onreg nie sal gedoë, en dat daar nog genoeg mense in die veld is om Suid-Afrika te red vir ons volk. “Wat my broer betref, my invloed het hom beweeg om te doen wat hy gedoen het; hy het gehandel en opgetree onder my instruksies. Ek moet die hof vra om in aanmerking te neem dat hy my jongste broer is en in my handelswyse geglo het. “As daar vandag Afrikaners in die hof is wat hul harte moet uitpraat soos ek dit vandag doen, en as hulle g’n huigelaars is nie, kan hulle g’n ander woorde uiter as ek nou gebruik nie.

“Ek kan nie vals wees nie! Nooit in my lewe kon ek dit gewees het nie! En mag die Godheid my bewaar om nooit ‘n valsaard te word nie. My dade het altyd my hart openbaar. “Ek is nie van plan om die hof om genade te vra nie. Die genade van my Skepper wat my gelei het, is vir my genoeg; maar ek vra dat my manskappe wat onder my gedien het, genadig behandel moet word – my invloed oor hulle was sterk.” Jopie gaan sit. ‘n Groot stilte daal oor die hof. Advokaat van Hees staan op om sy betoog te lewer. Hy vra die hof om nie die opperste straf op te lê nie, maar om die gevoelens van Kommandant Fourie in ag te neem. Hy pleit dat die land se omstandighede in aanmerking geneem moet word, en dat die uitspraak sal geskied in die lig van Generaal Botha se berorep op die hele land om te vergewe en te vergeet. Die voorsitter wys ten slotte daarop dat albei beskuldigdes op die aanklag skuldig gepleit het en dat daar oor hul skuld geen twyfel kan wees nie. Wat die vonnis betref, mag dit nie in die openbaar geskied nie. Die beslissing  sal aan die Minsiter van Verdediging besorg word vir bekragtiging deur die Goewerneur-generaal-in-rade. Die hof verdaag. Jopie en Hannes word na hulle selle teruggeneem. Die groot onsekerheid oor wat met hulle gaan gebeur, begin nou in hul harte posvat. Vir ‘n klein rukkie, niks meer as tien minute nie, is sy vrou Suzy en sy moeder en vader toegelaat om Jopie in sy sel te besoek. In almal se harte is twyfel en onsekerheid, want niemand weet wat die vonnis gaan wees nie. Jopie hou vol dat wat hy gedoen het reg was, maar hy het spyt oor die leed wat hy Suzy en sy ouers aandoen. Die afskeid oorweldig almal. Die groot twyfelvraag bly: Sal hulle mekaar ooit weer sien?

Daardie Saterdagmiddag gaan verskeie petisies in Pretoria rond om die Minister van Verdediging te versoek om, indien die doodvonnis uitgespreek word, dit nie te voltrek nie. ‘n Deputasie word saamgestel om dit aan Generaal Smuts te oorhandig. Hulle verneem hy is nie in Pretoria nie maar op sy plaas by Irene. Hulle verkry toestemming om hom daar te gaan opsoek, maar die blanke bediende verseker hulle hy is nie tuis nie, maar het in die veld gaan stap. Die drie predikante, dr. D.F. Malan, H.S. Bosman en C.A. Neethling, wag tevergeefs op sy terugkoms.  ‘n Regeringsmotor hou agter die huis sitl. Wat die deputasie nie weet nie, is dat Generaal Smuts dringend na Pretoria ontbied is. Dat hy die deputasie ontwyk het, is seker, maar dit is ewe waar dat hy na Pretoria moes gaan om na die vonnisse van die Fouries om te sien. Tevergeefs gaan soek die deputasie hom eers by die Pretoria-klub waar hy in Pretoria tuisgaan; en toe by sy kantoor in die Unie-gebou. Dis al aand en dit is donker. Ure lank sit hulle en wag, maar al versekering wat hulle uiteindelik verkry nadat hulle vertrek het, was dat die Generaal ingestem het om die petisies die volgende oggend om nege-uur te ontvang…toe dit te laat sou wees. 

In die selle van die Polisiehoofkwartier sit Jopie en Hannes ook en wag. Dit word aand en die kerklok het reeds nege-uur geslaan. Sersant Kennedy, bevelvoerder van die stasie, sluit eers Hannes se sel oop en stap binne. Hy deel hom mee dat hy tot vyf jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis is. Dan gaan hy na Jopie se sel. Hy lees aan hom voor: “Joseph Fourie, jy is gevonnis om môreoggend met dagbreek deur ‘n vuurpeleton tereggestel te word.” Jopie sê niks nie. Hy is oorbluf. Dit het hy nie verwag nie. Hy word toegelaat om sy predikant, ds. Neethling te sien, wat kort daarna saam met hom op ‘n vuil matras in die sel sit. Saam lees hulle uit die Woord van God; saam bid hulle. Jopie vra dat ds. Bosman moet kom om aan sy ouers en Suzy die vonnis te gaan meedeel en te sê dat hulle mekaar op aarde nooit weer sal sien nie. Hulle moet die nag saam met hom in gebed worstel. Jopie moet oorgeplaas word na die Sentrale Gevangenis in Potgieterstraat en word deur ds. Neethling vergesel. Hartverskeurend is die afskeid tussen hom en Hannes voor hy vertrek. 

In die gevangenis word hy toegelaat om briewe te skryf. Een is gerig aan sy dierbare ouers en Suzy. Dit spreek van diepe geloofsoortuiging en vertroosting aan hulle wat moet agterbly. “Zeg hun dat God is mijn Leidsman, mij doel was heilig.” ‘n Ander gaan aan die persone wat aan hom regshulp verleen het, dit getuig van diepe dankbaarheid. Daar is ook ‘n bitter brief aan Generaal Louis Botha: “U was mij ideaal als Afrikander, maar ik ben in u teleurgesteld.” Aan sy volk, “Getrouwe Afrikaander vrienden en vriendinnen”, is ook ‘n brief gerig. Hy skryf onder meer “Ik heb veel om u allen voor te bedanken, de boom die geplant is en met mijn bloed benat word zal opgroei tot een grote boom en het zal heerlijke vruchten voortbrengen. Wees getrouw aan u tradisies, wees getrouw aan uw volk, aan uw godsdienst en aan uw God…Skryft op mijn grafseen deze woorden: Voor God en Vaderland.”

Daar is nie meer skryfpapier nie. In die sakbybeltjie wat Suzy hom gegee het net voordat hy veld toe is, skryf hy sy laaste testament in diep godsdienstige woorde: “Eb Heer roept mij, mijn tijd die Hij mij op deze wereld gesckonken heb is voorby. Treurt niet over jij, mijn dood is voor een edel zaak, mijn laaste wil is dat mijn dierbare echtgenoote alles erft dat ik heb…Groete van Jopie.” Meer as een keer sou hy dit aan ds. Neethling herhaal dat God ‘n boom in die hart van die Afrikanervolk geplant het en “my bloed moet dit natmaak en dit sal heerlike vrug dra.” Die dag is aan die breek. Dit is sondagmôre, 19 Desember 1914. Die oggendstilte word verbreek as die tienmanvuurpeleton by die gevangenis inmasjeer. Jopie weet dit is tyd. Terwyl hy sy hand op sy bors lê, sê hy: “O, ek hoop tog hulle sal my nie in die gesig skiet nie. Hier is ‘n groot Afrikanerhart, groot genoeg om al hul koeëls te ontvang.

Die dokter kom vra of hy nog vir hom iets kan doen, maar hy weier enige verdowings- of kalmeermiddele. Christus het daarsonder gesterf, hoekom nie ook hy nie? Ds. Neethling stel voor dat hy in die sel agterbly en vir hom bid as hulle hom uitneem, maar hy vra dat Dominee as sy vriend moet saamgaan. Die wagte kom in om hom te haal. In ‘n binnehof staan ‘n stoel gereed. Met vaste tred stap Jopie daarheen en neem plaas. Die offisier in bevel kom om hom te blindoek. Hy weier, maar as aan hom verduidelik word dat hy sonder ‘n blindoek die peleton se werk sal bemoeilik, willig hy in. Met ‘n stukkie kryt word op sy bors  oor sy hart ‘n kring getrek. En toe begin Jopie met ‘n vaste stem die gesang te sing: “Als wij de doodsvallei betreen, laat ons elke aardse vriend alleen…”

Die peleton kry op Engels die bevel: “Fire!”

In die binnehof is ‘n oorverdowerende lawaai. Jopie ruk agteruit en dan sak sy kop vooroor. Skielik is alles stil, aaglik stil. In Pretoria sing die volëls hulle oggendgesang, soos op Wildebeesthoek, waar Oupa, pa, Ma, Suzy en ander nog steeds bid. Aanvanklik is Jopie in die gevangeniswerf begrawe om twee dae later in die Nuwe kerkhof van Pretoria begrawe te word. Omdat daar by die familie groot twyfel was oor hy sy lyk behandel is, is herhaalde vertoë gerig om dit weer te besigtig. Eindelik stem Generaal Smuts in Oktober 1915 daartoe in. Die familie is tevrede en hy word in ‘n nuwe kis in dieselfde graf weer begrawe. In 1923 word sy lyk nog ‘n keer verskuif, die keer na die Ou kerkhof van Pretoria in die Helde-akker, waar ook President Paul Kruger ter ruste lê. Op sy grafsteen, soos op die monument wat in 1963 op Wildebeesthoek ter ere van Jopie opgerig is, staan, soos hy versoek het: Vir God en Vaderland.

M.C.E van Schoor

Beroemde Suid-Afrikaanse Krygsmanne

Leopold Scholtz

ISBN 0 947 00606 0



‘n Kort vergelyking tussen Hendrik F. Verwoerd en Jacob Zuma

John White

Vergelyking tussen Suid Afrika se beste en swakste staatshoof ooit.


-Waarskynlik die intelligentste staatshoof wat Suid-Afrika nog gehad het. Ook waarskynlik een van die begaafdste staatshoofde van die moderne era. Het omtrent nooit aantekeninge vir toesprake gehad nie.
-Nog nooit enige mens skade aangedoen nie
-Het duisende skole, universiteite, huise en hospitale vir swartes gebou
-Het nie in die inherente meerderwaardigheid van een ras geglo nie, maar het die potensiaal in elke ras gesien en het geglo dat daar slegs ‘n verskil in ontwikkeling tussen die rasse was.
-Wêreldleiers soos Kennedy en MacMillan het aan sy lippe gehang
-Het hom as jongman vir die armblankevraagstuk beywer
-Was lief vir swartmense en baie swartmense was mal oor hom en het selfs honderde kilometers gereis om na sy toesprake te luister. Het selfs vir sy swart tuinman Afrikaans geleer op Saterdae en koffie gedrink saam met huiswerkers.
-Kon baie tale spreek, insluitend Afrikatale.
-Het ‘n eenvoudige eenverdieping vakansiehuis en twee motors gehad, waarvoor die staat nie ‘n sent betaal het nie.


-Het ‘n graad 3 sertifikaat (word nou ook betwyfel). Lees sy toesprake van papiere af.
-Het die dood van verskeie onskuldiges gereel as ‘n SAKP lid.
-Veroorsaak die degradasie van skole, universiteite en hospitale. Faal om handboeke aan skoolkinders te voorsien.
-Glo nie aan die meerderwaardigheid van een ras nie, maar glo dat die swart kultuur belangriker as die Westerse kultuur is.
-Word vermy deur wêreldleiers en word selfs afsprake met David Cameron geweier. Word ook deur parlementariërs as ‘n dief beskou.
-Verooraak armoede en maak leë beloftes
-Kan Zoeloe en beperkte Engels praat
-Het 250 miljoen rand se opgraderings aan sy privaatwoning met staatsgeld befonds.


Comparison between South Africa’s best head of state yet and its worst head of state.



-Probably most intelligent head of state that Africa ever had. One of the most intelligent in the world. Never had notes for his speeches.
-Never killed a person in his life
-Built schools, hospitals and universities for thousands of black people.
-Did not believe in the superiority of one race. Believe that all had equal potential but were just at different stages of development
-Was admired by Harold MacMillan, John F Kennedy and black leaders such as KD Matanzima.
-Grew up helping poor whites
-Loved black people and was loved by black people – even sat in the garden on Saturdays to teach his black gardener Afrikaans. Blacks travelled hundreds of kilometers to listen to him.
-Could speak many languages, including Xhosa and Zulu.
-Had a simple, single storey house and two cars, for which the state never paid a cent.

-Has a grade 3 qualification. Reads his speeches.
-Arranged the killing of many innocent blacks when he was a SACP member.
-Caused schools, universities and hospitals to degrade and become non-functional. Keeps textbooks from children.
-Does not believe in the superiority of a race, but disrespects Western culture and even calls walking your dog a “white thing”.
-Is despised by leaders all over the world. David Cameron even denied a meeting with him. Is also called a thief by fellow parliamentarians.
-Keeps blacks in poverty and make empty promises.
-Can speak Zulu and limited English.
-Made upgrades of R250 million at his personal house at the state’s expense.
-Has more than 700 charges of corruption against him and many of rape.

Stand up White Man – defend your way of life or lose it

Daily Bale

It’s about time we throw down the politically correct shackles and open up to the real problems in Britain.


It’s all too easy to hide away from fact and deny the evidence if you’re a left-wing product of state brainwashing but there are a large majority of us who are not, we recognise this problem and are not afraid of confronting it.

We know who they are – they hide away on our streets, in the government and throughout every single major facet in society and we know exactly what they are!

These creatures are not White, they are not British and they certainly are not moral yet they find themselves in top places above the common folk who miss the signs and fall for the traps.

As recently we found in the Garron Helm case where imprisonment was thrown upon a young white man for exposing the truth, we…

View original post 367 more words

ANC should focus on taking care of its own firearms – AfriForum

Ian Cameron

31 October 2014
Organisation notes that just yesterday two R5 rifles were confiscated next to the N1 in Gauteng

“Firearms do not kill people. People kill people,” says AfriForum

AfriForum today said the consideration by Government to amend the Firearms Control Act again, will expose law-abiding citizens even more to crime, and that this decision is based on an emotional, irresponsible reaction.

“The ANC Government reacts on emotion, following the murder of our Bafana Bafana Captain, Senzo Meyiwa in Vosloorus the past week. Firearms however do not kill people, people kill people,” Ian Cameron, Head of Community Safety at AfriForum, said.

Cameron said Government should realise that amendments to laws will not bring crime under control, but that the execution of current laws and the prosecution of criminals should be more effective.

The South African Police Service earlier this month confirmed to AfriForum, following a PAIA application, that about 2 300 government registered firearms have been reported as stolen or missing since 1 January 2009.

“Two R5 rifles were confiscated next to the N1 in Gauteng yesterday. These are police firearms which are used by robbers. The police and Government have to ensure that their house is in order before law-abiding citizens are adversely affected,” Cameron added.

“Government should be more responsible with their statements and should first execute current laws to their disposal efficiently. About one third of SAPS officers are not competent to handle firearms. This should rather be corrected to get the police up to standard.”

Statement issued by Ian Cameron, Head: Community Safety, AfriForum, October 31 2014